Vimukthi is a collective of survivors of sex trafficking, commercial sexual exploitation and women in prostitution, based in Andhra Pradesh. Some of the members exited prostitution either on their own, or were rescued by others. Some of the members continue today in sex work but are not in debt bondage anymore. Those who have exited prostitution have returned to their families.

Those who have exited prostitution are fighting for their rehabilitation rights and services, includ-ing compensation, housing, and access to anti poverty and welfare schemes. The lack of rehabilitation services are one of the key issues for these survivors, much like members of Utthan, Bijoyini and Bandhan Mukti (like other states).

For the women in prostitution, the issues related to their context were different and unique in some ways, than the ones who have exited prostitution. Members of Vimukthi, who are in prosti-tution, have three key concerns:

Their own protection, security and dignity:

In their experience, life is often very volatile with high levels of violence in the household and in the community. The relationship with police is often adversarial and less protective, wherein the police extracts protection money for not harassing them, picking them up for solicitation, etc. ‘While on an average a woman in prostitution in AP may earn 30,000 INR per month, around 2,000 INR goes into bribing the police to ensure that they will not arrest or harass customers and us’. This bribing and extortion is not individual - this is not about individual corrupt policeman demanding extortion money, it is institutionalised and sustains transfers. Panchayats or political leaders do not have any mandate or agenda for welfare or protection of sex workers or their children - so, beyond the ICDS centres and HIV AIDS prevention programmes (which also employs some women in prostitution as peer educators), there has been no political support for women in prostitution to address their issues. So, what are their issues? Vimukthi’s narrative is as follows:

- Even though a woman in prostitution may be earning 30,000 INR per month, she has no sav-ings. Her money goes towards her makeup, clothes, cosmetics and other tools that she needs to spend on professionally, she has to spend on rent (which is abnormally high in these red light districts) and house expenses, expenses for the children. A significant expense is often towards their male live in partners - and all their personal expenses which may include gam-bling and substance abuse, and sometimes even maintaining their families back in villages. And then, there are an extortion expense that goes towards the police, politicians and local goons in various forms.

- Women in prostitution cannot have bank accounts because they are not given any tenancy documents even if they pay for the premises they live in. Because ‘brothels’ are illegal under ITPA, this is the logic often used not to give tenancy rights to these women. While this has therefore been used to reject their applications of ration cards, which is necessary for their residence proof, which in turn is necessary for them to have bank accounts.

Ironically, not having residence proof has not prevented from from getting voters’ ID cards, indicating that the system confers documents to them when it needs them politically, but does not respond to their economic, social and political rights. Lack of bank accounts are a double whammy - on the one hand, it prevents women in prostitution from accessing any financial or welfare services that may be routed through bank loans or credit through financial institutions, and on the other hand, it keeps the women dependent on local money lenders for loans. These loan sharks charge anything between 24% to 60% interest on a monthly basis, which keeps these women perpetually in debt, and without any savings. Needless to say, these loan sharks have substantial interest to keep the state of affairs alive. Contrary to the Government of India’s efforts to minimize cash economy and black money in the system, the system forces women in prostitution to exist only in cash economies and sustain mafia and extortionists to draw their capital from here.

- Stigma towards sex work have also kept women in prostitution alienated from accessing mainstream services, drawing support from Panchayats or district administration or even so-cial welfare offices. On the one hand, women in prostitution are morally judged by society negatively. While the law does not overtly criminalize women in prostitution, law enforce-ment selectively uses prohibitions on solicitation to threaten disruption and use it to extort bribes. The prejudice and stigma towards women in prostitution is all pervasive, across policy, law enforcers and civil society. This alienation forces a woman in prostitution to remain financially and socially, and psychologically dependent on prostitution and ghettos of red light districts, which in turn become exploitation hubs for its high cash turnover.

- Dependence on substance abuse, tolerate of violence and exploitation by their male live in partners, are results and impact of the internalized guilt and shame that women in prostitu-tion are inflicted with by society, as well as by authority and duty bearers and service provid-ers.

- When women get older and their income falls, there are only 3 ways for her to cope with the fall in income (a) the preferred way that most women work towards is for their children to have found alternative livelihood and take over financial responsibilities (b) for her to get other younger women or girls to work for her, and for her to become the madam or brothel manager and (c) economic activities within the red light area - including trading, running small businesses. For the latter, given the lack of any financial services, the latter is challeng-ing.

Protection of their children

In their experience, life is often very volatile with high levels of violence in the household and in the community. The relationship with police is often adversarial and less protective, wherein the police extracts protection money for not harassing them, picking them up for solicitation, etc. ‘While on an average a woman in prostitution in AP may earn 30,000 INR per month, around 2,000 INR goes into bribing the police to ensure that they will not arrest or harass customers and us’. This bribing and extortion is not individual - this is not about individual corrupt policeman demanding extortion money, it is institutionalised and sustains transfers. Panchayats or political leaders do not have any mandate or agenda for welfare or protection of sex workers or their children - so, beyond the ICDS centres and HIV AIDS prevention programmes (which also employs some women in prostitution as peer educators), there has been no political support for women in prostitution to address their issues. So, what are their issues? Vimukthi’s narrative is as follows:

Members of Vimukthi oppose trafficking in children or adult women and forced prostitution. The entry of girls and young women into prostitution in these red light areas is perpetuated through trafficking by traffickers and also by girls and women who end up in prostitution after other forms of violence and exploitation in their families and communities, and poverty. The leadership in Vimukthi have the following asks in their manifesto to state and national governments to combat commercial exploitation of children and youth:

  • 1. Access to financial services provided by the state and national governments, meant for women in poverty and marginalised situations. This includes provisions for their bank accounts, and ensuring their tenancy rights.
  • 2. State and national governments to build a policy and strategy to help stop debt bondage and the dependence on loan sharks and access to welfare services.
  • 3. The JJ Act and ICPS to have targeted interventions for protection of children from stigma and discrimination and support services to continue with their education, and address their mental health issues.
  • 4. State governments (DWCD) to constitute monitoring agencies to stop institutionalised extor-tion of women in prostitution and threat and harassment by the police.
  • 5. CWCs to take proactive measures to monitor and prevent child sexual exploitation in these communities and outside. ICPS agencies, SCPS and DCPUs to formalise a mandate of protec-tion of children of women in prostitution and build intervention strategies and services that protect children from abuse, violence and exploitation and create opportunities for social em-powerment. Educational loans that make it possible for children to study in boarding schools. NOT restrict these interventions to rescue and institutionalising children in shelter homes run by governments or NGOs which are closed institutions because these are experienced as incar-ceration centres that compound the problem than solve them.
  • 6. Community based rehabilitation for ageing sex workers, to diversify their livelihood options and building collectives like Vimukthi to challenge stigma and discrimination. NO forced rescue and incarceration in shelter homes.
  • 7. Law enforcement to focus on identifying and prosecuting traffickers and sex offenders who prostitute children, implementation of POCSO, without threatening or intimidating adult sex workers.

Vimukthi endorses legal reform on human trafficking, which should separate trafficking from prostitution. Vimukthi advocates for separation of law and policy on trafficking and prostitution. It believes that there should be separate national and state policy for protection of women in prostitution and their children and not clubbed with anti trafficking law which is essentially to criminalise trafficking, and not prostitution.

On legal reform on trafficking, here are some of Vimukthi’s positions and stances:

  • 1. Trafficking in all its forms should be criminalised, be it for sexual exploitation, forced labour, organ harvesting, forced marriage, illegal adoptions or any other purpose.
  • 2. The law should not criminalise adult, voluntary sex workers or survivors of trafficking in any way.
  • 3. No adult should be forcibly ‘rescued’ by the police or any other agency.
  • 4. Rehabilitation should not be shelter home focussed. Where shelter homes are very necessary for post rescue security and protection of victims, the period of stay should be restricted to 3 months. The law should focus on community based rehabilitation and protection, in alignment with the Juvenile Justice Act.
  • 5. Rehabilitation rights should be defined and respond to needs of survivors of trafficking, and not be focussed on best interests of service providers or convenience of the system. For example - forced institutionalisation of survivors to hold them back till completion of trial is a violation of human rights of any trafficked person, children or adult.
  • 6. Victim compensation for trafficked survivors should not be conditional upon rescue. If a sex worker declares herself to be a victim of trafficking, she should be able to claim compensation.

Vimukthi believes that women in prostitution’s leadership are critical to combating commercial sexual exploitation of children. If they are able to break out of debt bondage and stigma, they can break the link between financial insecurity of ageing sex workers and trafficking in of girls and young women. Their social and economic empowerment will also translate into empowerment, safety and alternatives for their children. This is why Vimukthi is a member of ILFAT and wishes to further the agenda of combating human trafficking with all other survivors of human trafficking in India.